The Milwaukee Sentinel

Mon July 28, 1862. Page 1, Col 1

Wed July 30, 1862. Page 1, Col 1

Thurs July 31, 1862. Page 1, Col 1

Notice-Change of Ground for the Great Meeting.
        It being very evident that the Court House Square, designated as the place of the great meeting, will not begin to accommodate the multitudes who will be present, James Kneeland, Esq, in the same spirit of liberality that has distinguished him in this matter, has tendered his splendid grounds adjoining his residence on the west, on Spring street hill, for the purpose. Nothing could be better adapted for the purpose. Nothing could be better adapted for this purpose than these grounds, as the shade is bountiful, and the carpet of grass underneath soft and shorn for the occasion. Mr. Kneeland deserves, and will get, the thanks of every one of the thousands attending this meeting, for this generous attention to their comfort.
        Those in charge of the procession will understand that where the present programme directs the procession to turn up to the Court House Square, it will instead turn wist to these grounds on Spring street hill.

        The line will be formed on Main Street, the right resting on Biddle Street. The line of march will be as follows: Up Main to Division; down Division across Chestnut Street Bridge to Fifth; down Fifth to Tamarack; down Tamarack to Fourth; down Fourth to Spring across the Bridge; up Wisconsin to Jackson; thence to the Court House Square.
        Gentlemen from out of town, who have been specially invited, will find the War Committee at the Gentlemen’s Parlor of the Newhall House from 9 o’clock till 12 M. on Thursday.

There will be three stands for Speakers. At stand No. 1, Gov. SALOMON will preside. Among the speakers at this stand the following named gentlemen are expected:

Geo. C. Bates, of Detroit, Col. Chas. H. Larrabee, Luther Hanchett, Tim. O. Howe, H. S. Orton, Wyman Spooner, L. S. Dixon, John H. Tweedy, A. E. Elmore David Noggle, J. C. Swan, B. Domschke, G. A. Starkweather, Fred. Horn, Levi Hubbell, James Johnson, Brooks Eunwiddle, C. Hoefflinger, S. Park Coon.

At stand No. 2 H. L. Palmer will preside. Among the speakers at this stand the following are expected:

J. R. Doolittle, Geo. B. Smith, Marshal M. Strong, A. Scott Sloan, L. P. Walker, J. E. Arnold, Satterlee Clard, J. H. Howe, James S. Brown, Gen. W. Allen, Jno. W. Cary, Dr. Fessell, Arthur McArthur, F. Heubschman, Chas. Billinghurst, L. Burton.

Stand No. 3 is the Young Men’s stand and will be under the management of youn men.

Among the speakers expected at the stand are the following:

Mat. H. Carpenter, J. H. D. Cogswell, Winfield Smith, James G. Jenkins, David Ordway, E. L. Buttrick, W. Vilas, J. LaDue, J. M. Flower, H. M. Finch, S. U. Hinney, Fred Winkler, W. Merrill, James Coleman, John B. Adams, T. D. Weeks, Edwin Kellogg, Orville W. Powers, F. H. Goodhall, Cushman K. Davis, F. W. Pitkin, Jno. A. Savage, fr., Frank Van Valkenburgh, David G. Hooker, Jas. Macallister, C. K. Martin, J. Hickox.

At the Young Men’s stand, F. W. Pitkin, President of the Young Men’s Association, will preside, at the suggestion of the Committee.

        We pen this paragraph with no positive knowledge of what to-day will bring forth, as regards the magnitude of the meeting to be held. But we have, nevertheless, an absolute conviction that it will be, in that respect, unparalleled in the experience of this city or the State.
        The unusual facilities for travel will aid in this result, but will not be the cause of it. The feeling of the people on the subject they are called to consider will be the impulse. And we have no doubt the meeting will be as great a success in all other respects as in numbers. The feelings and motives which induce the immense gathering will make it a success. The danger of the Republic is too imminent-the necessities of the government too great, and the one thing needful for its relief too apparent, to make division of opinion or feeling possible. It matters not what may drop from the speakers in the heat of discussion,-one feeling, one motive will override the whole of it, and resolve the whole of it into harmony with this purpose to extend to the government the material aid necessary, not for its safety alone, but to crush out forever this gigantic rebellion, and restore permanent peace to the land.
        The meeting will be a magnificent demonstration of patriotism. And after those composing it strengthen themselves, and renew their faith by this commingling, most happily devised for that end, they will disseminate themselves throughout the State, and do the work needful to give this patriotic feeling practical effect.

Friday Aug 1, 1862 Page 1, Col 5

        The preparations for the greatest mass meeting ever held in Wisconsin culminated this morning. A salute of sixty guns was fired at sunrise, which gave the city an early impetus for the patriotic task before it.
        The influx of visitors commenced on Wednesday. It was calculated that at least three thousand strangers were in town on Wednesday evening..

        This morning the trains commenced to arrive loaded down with passengers.-The ten o’clock train from Madison brought a thousand; there were twenty cars, four of which were passenger coaches and the rest freight cars extemporized into coaches, by the addition of plank seats and a profusion of green boughs. The scenes along the roads, are described as unusually rich. The rush for the trains, the jam, and the patriotic fervor of the multitudes, many of whom came in making the villages resound with their music, and drowning the scream of the whistle with "Old John Brown."
        The La Crosse road had applications for 12,000 passengers, and it used every facility to accommodate them.
        Altogether ther must be at the time of writing, an addition to the population of the city of about 30,000 people.

        Such an influx of course gave the chief thoroughfares the aspect of a holiday.-Along East Water, Main and Wisconsin streets, the picture was a vivid one. As early as nine o’clock these streets were choked with teams and pedestrians. The stores and places of business were generally closed at 12 M., and a large portion of the community, the clerks and accountants and business men generally, were thus added to the assemblages.

        The procession formed on Main street, at 12 M., under the direction of John Lockwood, Chief Marshal, and a number of Assistant Marshals. It consisted exclusively of civic societies, headed by His Excellency Governor Salomon, with the State officers and Judges of the Supreme Court. The Central War Committee, Authorities of the city, the Milwaukee Fire Department, Chamber of Commerce, Young Men’s Association, Milwaukee Turner’s Association, Employees of the different railroad shops, and a vast concourse of citizens, mounted, in vehicles, and on foot. Many of the delegates had banners extemporized for the occasion.-We have only space to notice one or two. Those of the Young Men’s Association were numerous and the mottoes significant. The Milwaukee & Prarie du Chien R.R. men had several. The procession was preceded by a car with thirty-four young ladies from the Sixth Ward, dressed in red, white and blue, conspicuous among whom was Miss Sarah Hill, in the character of "Columbia," and Miss Della Dewey color-bearer.
        The procession moved up to the splendid grounds of James Kneeland, on Spring street, where stands had been erected.
        The immense crowd filled the vast area completely.
        The following is a list of

President.-Gov. Salomon.

Vice Presidents.-Hercules L. Douseman, of Crawford Co.; Simeon Mills of Dane Co.; H.S. Baird, Brown Co.; C.M. Baker, Walworth Co.; Jesse Meacham, Walworth Co.; J.B. Doe, Rock Co.; James H. Earnest, Lafayette Co.; John A. Bingham, of Green Co.; A. W. Starks, Sauk Co.; W. M. Hennis, Jefferson Co.; Thomas Falvey, Racine Co.; Walter P. McIndoe, Marathon Co.; Geo. H. Walker, Milwaukee Co.; Samuel Brown, Milwaukee Co.; Conrad Dretz, Sheboygan Co.; John Crawford, Milwaukee Co.; J. Allen Barber, Grant Co.; Perry Williams, Columbia Co.; Barnum Blake, Ozaukee Co.; Mason O Darling, Fond du Lac Co.; Moritz Schoeffler, Milwaukee Co.; Patrick Rogan, Jefferson Co.; Jacob Lueps, Manitowoc Co.; George Burnham, Milwaukee Co.; John Hackett, Rock Co.; H.S. Winsor, Walworth Co.; Martin Olson, Milwaukee Co.

        Three enthusiastic cheers greeted His Excellency, Governor Salomon, as he appeared on the platform. E. H. Brodhead read the list of officers, and then introduced the Governor to the multitude, who spoke as follows:

Fellow Citizens:- I thank you much for the honor conferred upon me by your votes, but I thank you far more for the patriotism and hearty purpose which you evince here to-day. My heart expands as I look upon the multitude of patriotic men gathered together to assist in the work of putting down this rebellion, and whatever doubts I may have had about the raising of the three hundred thousand men, since I have seen you here with your faces aglow with honest purpose, coming forward as you have to assist in the noble work of filling up the ranks of our army. I thank you for this spontaneous movement. It shows me that the men of Wisconsin are not to be trodden down by the aristocracy which is striking at the life of our government. If we would support that government we must send reinforcements at once; we must support it, not by words but by deeds; we are all united in favor of supporting the government; we have the will, and fellow citizens, we have the power. (Applause.) Is there, really, any lack of power among the millions of free people in the North to break down the conspiracy of the Slaveholders who have arrayed themselves against the best government in the world.
        We sent forth from the north 600,000 volunteers. They have fought nobly everywhere. We have won a great deal of territory. Tennessee, Missouri have been reclaimed. We have won the Mississippi, all except one citadel which will soon fall. Everything went favorably-in the prosecution of the war-but now we come to a stop for a moment, there is a depletion of victories, they outnumber us, they conscript in array, and our hitherto victorious armies are in danger of being overwhelmed. Shall this be the case? (Cries of No.) Will you hear the cries that they make to us through the President of the United States for help, for they can only appeal through hem and it is like one continued shriek that goes up to Heaven, when the President calls. Shall we stand here like dastards and hear that cry for 300,000 more men. (Voice, we want ten thousand.) What we want is men to fill the thinned ranks of the regiments in the field, we want 4,000 men to fill those ranks immediately. Every man that goes forth to fill the old ranks, is worth two in a new regiment, because every man who goes with a veteran on each side, becomes a veteran himself.
        Now I have told you that we want the 3,000 men, and the sooner the better. God is with us, but as Napoleon said, God is with the heaviest battalions.
        Every one ought to be willing to go, and every one ought to be willing to give, to work,-to support the government that has made us what we are.
        When I cast my eye over this vast assembly, I think there ought to be 5,000 men here ready to answer the call of the President, and 5,000 more at home ready to follow them. (Applause.)
        Gentlemen, I am not a politician nor a partisan as you all know, (voice: "we know it") but I am in favor of supporting this government, ignoring all politics (Applause.) Let us know no politics at this time—let us give our undivided support of the government, and not give way to feelings of partisan bitterness, and the too natural practice of fault-finding. Where shall we go for help if we do not follow the President? He says let me have 300,000 men and I can crush this stalwart rebellion. Let him have them. I trust then that you will lay aside all other feelings of a partisan nature that may have rankled in your breasts, and come forth as one man, not criticizing the acts of the administration, as has been done, but giving it our cordial and hearty support. Let us do as Gen. Sigel did at the battle of Pea Ridge. Surrounded as he was by the rebels, he said: "Soldiers, if you will attack these armies and break through them, but few will fall; but if you go back many of you will perish," and they cut their way through and but few of them fell. Let us go on. If we press forward now, but comparatively few will fall, but to go back is destruction.
        Three cheers were given for the Governor at the close of his speech.
        Mr. J. H. Tweedy was then introduced and read the following address, which was printed on slops, and afterwards distributed among the crowd:
        People of Wisconsin:- Our beloved country is in peril. We have come up together to find for her help and deliverance.- On the point of achieving the crowning triumph, our army is driven back. The enemy, profiting by our blind presumption and jarring councils, secretly gathered his whole strength, and made an overwhelming onset on our divided forces. He now threatens almost every point of our extended lines. No reserves had been provided by the government. It calls upon the people therefore for sudden help. It must be furnished quickly=furnished now- or the ground gained will be lost, and with it the cause.
        To all human sight, the fate of this nation hangs on the decision of a few days. Let us not shut our eyes to the danger.- The enemy is strong in numbers- in the desperate resolution of his leaders- in a compact and despotic organization, which compels the service of every man and every dollar. Despots everywhere, and every power, class and interest which use the many to serve the few, give the enemy secret aid and comfort.
        It is the eternal battle between right and wrong. All the powers of evil are arrayed against us. That first traitor and his rebellious crew, who first broke peace in Heaven, and drew off in foul secession the third part of Heaven’s sons, supply the master spirits of this revolt with satanic craft and fiendish passions, and hope through them, to roll back for a thousand years the tide of Christian civilization.- The distinctive motto of the rebels- viz: perpetual secession and perpetual slavery- is worthy to be the banner cry of hell.
        With us are greater numbers and resources; with us is every true friend of man’s freedom and progress; with us are the patriot dead of all ages and of our own land, and the great Father of his Country-the last solemn warnings of whose prophetic soul, to his country, were hold fast to the Union; let go slavery.- With us, too, is Omnipotent justice, which holds in its hands the destinies of nations. But these are not ours unless we make them ours, by putting forth our own strength when duty calls, and that is now-at once.
        Think not to avoid the conflict, and to find some easier road to peace and safety. If a way of retreat could be found, demonic frenzy in the foe will allow no stop short of conquest or ruin.
        What hypocritical prater, for peace and separation, at home or abroad, has ever traced on the map the new boundary line of our country? Across the vast basin of the Mississippi, from the Rocky Mountains to the Alleghanies, the Creator has set no mountain wall, no desert waste, no gulf of waters. A hundred rivers, draining two millions of miles of easy slope, flow gently to the sea, through one outlet. Ten thousand vessels ride on their bosom, and make the whole one neighborhood. Its people have the same race, the same religion, and the same history. Common treasure has bought and improved it, and common blood has defended it.
        Through the mouth of the Chesapeake, where Fortress Monroe keeps ward, flow the waters of three great States- broad rivers and bays; the Susquehanna, Potomac, York, James, Rappahannock, and the great bay and its many arms. On them sit great cities, Baltimore, Norfolk, Fredricksburg, Petersburg, Richmond, and the proud capital of the nation. All the navies of the world can pass in and out. Who can tell us how to divide these waters, and the word of the castle at the entrance gate?
        Divide them by any line, or by any treaty, and the marble in the corridors of your capitol are worth no more than the same rock in the quarry. No! when you shall have opened a new mouth to the Mississippi, through the Alleghannies, or through the great lakes, when you shall make the human body live cut in two through the heart, when you can fence the ocean along parallels of latitude and stop thereby the flow and reflow of the tide, then may you fix the bounds between the North and the South.
        This contest, then, is to be fought out. Our present rulers are to conduct the fight. Help is demanded-we must give it. In giving it, let us first give our advice: We have no words of useless complaint about the past; but, for the future, we must tell our rulers in the Cabinet, in Congress and in the field, you must show yourselves equal to your work. Make this war, on our side, as it is on the side of the enemy- a real war- thorough, sharp and terrible.- Call out, at once, the full strength of the nation. Let her erect herself to her full height, and gird on her whole armor.- Put a MILLION of soldiers in the field! Organize, arm and train half of the militia ready for service in any emergence, carol and organize the other half as a reserve.
        Get rid of the incapables in the beaureaus and in the field, which paralyze so much of our strength; Trouble not yourselves much with politicians, platforms, the constitutional status of enemies in open war or discussions too nice or premature.
        Give all your energies to the work you have on hand. Trust in God! Let Him have some hand in this work; events, as they unfold will solve the problems which now baffle human wisdom. Keep straight on with the work of crushing the enemy.- Strike him-strike terror-and be a terror to all evil door everywhere.
        And now, people of Wisconsin, will you do your part? Will you hold up the hands of your ruler, and infuse new zeal and energy into their councils? Will you send succor, at once, to your brave boys, watching wearily for help on the burning soil of slavery?
        Fathers, send forth your sons with words of cheer and your blessing! Mothers, sisters, and maidens, kindle and feed in the hearts of those men and dear to you the sacred flame of patriotism, and follow them to the field with errands of mercy.
        Young men, you who are best able to leave and can best be spared, what a trumpet call sounds in your ears! What a field of heroic struggle is offered you!- Your gallant comrades from the battle field, call upon you by name. Will you shrink? Will you turn your backs? If you do that cry will ever be as fire in your ears, and when the war ended, Wisconsin shall go forth with swelling breast and trembling lips to welcome her returning brave, the memory of your baseness will sting you like a serpent.
        Countrymen of Meagher and Shields! Do not your hearts burn to join that firey mass of living valor, which, under their gallant lead, rushed upon the foe.? Wish you to hear the taunts and the pity of the haughty Briton, already coarsely exulting over the downfall of your adopted nation?
        Some of the land of noble thought, genial hearts and glorious song-of that people which failed to become pre-eminently great, because she failed to become one nation-will you see your adopted land repeat the same failure, and become a beggardly patchwork of feeble and petty discordant States?
        What will Wisconsin or Milwaukee be to you without a name, a history or a hope, when the sun of this glorious Union, which has glorified us with splendor, will go down in darkness forever? How then can you, on this soil, sing any more the songs of your father or adopted land?
        Finally, fellow countrymen, all, of every name and blood-men, women and children-all come up and lay your offerings on the altar of your country.
        The following resolutions were then read and unanimously adopted:

        Resolved, that the men who are engaged in armed resistance to the government stand in the double attitude of rebels and of enemies in open war; that as rebels they are criminals and traitors, and justly subject to all the penalties and punishment which follow the crime of treason under the constitution and the laws; as enemies in open war, we may justly pursue, weaken, disable and crush their power by all means which are permitted by the laws of war; and it should be the unalterable purpose of the government to crush out the rebellion utterly, and to destroy forever the power of the leaders to do us harm.
        Resolved, That the country is in a crisis demanding the exercise of every prerogative of the government and every exertion and sacrifice on the part of our people to maintain its integrity and its just authority.
        Resolved, That in our opinion it is the duty of the National Administration to prosecute this war with the utmost vigor; and to employ every kind and description of persons and property in the country to accomplish the speedy end of this rebellion.
        Resolved, That, in our opinion, the government ought to prepare for a war of indefinite duration; a war to be prosecuted for one year or ten generations, as shall be necessary to accomplish the end in view.
        Resolved, That with nations, prodigality is often the highest economy; and we recommend that at least one million of men be drafted at once from the militia of the North, one half for immediate service, and the other half for instruction and to be held as a reserve.
        Resolved, That we entertain the most unbounded confidence in the President of the United States and assure him that there is no possibility of his getting in advance of the wishes and sentiments of the people in employing any means whatever to restore the authority of the government.
        Resolved, That in our opinion the greatest obstacle that has yet existed to the accomplishment of our purpose , has been that the administration has underrated the magnitude of this rebellion, and the unlimited means and force which the people are able and desirous of offering to the government to be employed in vindication the Constitution and Laws.
        Resolved, That we deem it our right and duty to assure the administration that there is no division of sentiment among the people on this subject. All the money and all the men in the North are at the disposal of the government; and we beseech the administration to entertain no further fear that any of its drafts will be protested.
        Resolved, That we duly appreciate and cannot too highly commend the judicious and impartial manner in which our Governor is performing the duties of his office; disregarding all claims of politicians and importunities of friends, and fairly and sagaciously consulting only the public good. We pledge him our continued support and confidence,
        Resolved, That we are proud of the bearing and conduct of our volunteers in the field, and can safely commit to their hands the honor of our young State. Called from the industrial pursuits of life-they have instantly taken on the discipline, and exhibited the fortitude and coolness of veterans.

        Cries for Lovejoy came fast and thick, and the Governor introduced the distinguished gentlemen from Illinois who was greeted with tumultuous applause. He said:
        My Friends- I have addressed a great many large crowds on political themes which have from time to time come up before the people for discussion. I feel, however, at present, although this gathering has the outward manifestation of a political assemblage, that its spirit and purpose are to a great extent widely different from that which attract crowds on ordinary occasions. I feel that this is one of the most solemn occasions, and now, as there are several to address you I must be brief, and you must have patience till I get command of my voice. I want to say a word of cheer and encouragement. I am aware that there is a feeling of discouragement in view of recent military operations which appear to be reversals, but there never was a war, citizens, that was carried on, and the success was all on one side. The history of the world does not give us an instance of the kind.-I feel that we are like the great ocean. It has its ebb and flow, and you, standing on the shore see the land from which the waters have receded, and it looks as though the ocean had gone entirely, but by and by it comes again, heaving with a mighty impulse. I tell you there is a great ocean heaving and expanding in its power, and it will rise higher and higher until it has overwhelmed this rebellion. [Applause]
        I have great faith in the American people. Next to God I have no higher trust. I believe in their resources, in their will, in their strength. The outpouring we have already witnessed is the miracle of history; not other nation on earth ever had the treasure laid at its feet that we have poured out. (Applause.)
        Citizens, there are two things occur to me about which I propose to say something:-1^st-What are we to do? 2d-How are we to do it? (Laughter and applause.)
        he work is, to suppress the rebellion-establish the government with its authority, and cause the Stars and Stripes to float over every square rod of the country. Sustain the government and enforce the laws! (Applause.) Now, look me in the eyes, we’ve got to do it. (Voices, we’ll try.)
        But we will do it. (Applause.) The maintenance of the government, the perpetuity of the Union is a necessity! We must do it. That’s the point! What! Consent to dismemberment. Suppose we allowed them to secede, what do we gain? We gain just what St. Paul did when shipwrecked-we gain loss. (Laughter.) We gain a confederacy more despotic than any monarchy in Europe. We then have Canada on the north with all the power and hate of England to back her, and we are ground to powder between the upper had the nether mill stone. Like the ice in spring, broken up and checkered. I tell you the unity and nationality of this government destroyed, we had better all go and lie down in death than see it. This is not declamation; it is what I feel, and I never intend to survive this government. (Applause.) No, citizens, I have no desire to live after this glorious fabric shall have tumbled into fragment. (Renewed applause.)
        Now we are all agreed on that. [Voice, "Yes"]
        Well then you have got to fight. (Applause and laughter) I think the Governor here ought to stay until he has got a thousand sturdy men from this assembly-[Applause] This is a thing that can’t be settled by resolutions, nor meetings, nor ballots; We got beyond that; its bayonets and bullets now; and I am one who believed that the free muscle of the North, is more than a match for these rebels.
        Now for the Administration; we have got to give it our support in all its measure, whether we like them or not. The President is captain and pilot, and if he tells us to pull a rope we must pull it; and pump out the water, too, for we’re all in the same ship together, and its poor consolation to all go to the bottom finding fault with the method of the master. We’re like the young man who was drowning-who requested the bystanders to pull him out and found fault afterwards.
        Now, when we have established the government and put down the rebellion, we can find fault-but not before. The Administration don’t do all that I would advise. I voted for the confiscation of the rebels slaves, (great applause), but as I have said before, we are both on the same road, and whether McClellan or Halleck leads our troops, our duty is to go and shoot and stab under anybody. While I don’t wish to trammel free thought and expression of how much we differ from the President, it is the deep conviction of every heart that he is honest, sound and true, and all straight up and down and that’s a big thing. (Applause.) Remember that it’s a great thing to put down this rebellion, and we want unity and purpose more than anything else.
        If the Confederacy goes into the arms of Great Britain, remember that we voted here a little while ago that the public lands should go to the landless, or in other words we passed the Homestead bill Now the question is whether you wish to go under a nation that will own the lands and exercise a lordly sway over the vast domains of freedom, reducing you to little better than the condition of the slave.-[Cries of No.] Then you have got to fight for that 100 acres. [Applause.]
        Now what shall we do? Make this war the great business of our lives till its ended, this is the question absorbing and overshadowing all others-it should be the one sole and undivided purpose of us all to put down this rebellion and support the government. I tell you we don’t feel it yet. It hasn’t got down here yet. We enjoy our selves, pursue our daily avocations and regard the war as something at a distance, but the assassin has his hand on the throat of the country, and the black and blue spots are visible. [Applause.] We’ve got to farm and merchandize and toil and work for this purpose. Are you going to raise that field of wheat for the war? [Cries of yes.]-These rebels are doing it. All their resources, all their energies are being used for the purpose of war. They are giving their all, and are we?
        I have met these fellows on the floors of Congress rolling their eyes, gnashing their teeth and drawing their sword canes, and I have always felt it in my heart that the North could whip them. [Applause.] They can fight, barbarism can always fight, but it is no match for civilization. We can whip them! Now, how many of you will take your muskets? Oh how vast a power there is these free Northern States with their enterprise and thrift and population. We need only the unity of purpose to whip these rascals all out. [Cheers.} You want to consecrate yourselves to this war, we want that muscle, not to use the shovel and pick, that dynasty has gone by thank God! But we want it for the musket! The bayonet! [Applause, long continued.]
        Wives mustn’t hold back their husbands, our mothers their sons, nor maidens their lovers-aye, with the heroism of woman, which I know is not behind the heroism of these who have fallen in the field, you must consecrate those who are dearer to you than life. I tell you this is a war to the knife, and the knife to the hilt, and hit ‘em between the eyes every time. (Laughter and applause.) It’s a question not who will fight according to certain rules, but who will kill, hang, destroy! (Applause.)
        (Voice-Yes, hang the abolitionists.)
        I’m one of the abolitionists, my friend. I am a younger man than you, and I’ll stake my personal prowess that if you’ll come up here I’ll prove the better man of the two! (Here the applause and commotion broke out with renewed vehemence, and it was some time before the speaker could continue.)
        We have got to stop guarding rebel property! It was said we guarded the White House because Washington courted his wife there. And I’ll tell you now, that I saw our sick soldiers dumped down on the ground and left there in the open air, because that house was too sacred. I tell you the house where Joseph courted the mother of Christ was not too sacred for our sick soldiers fighting for the constitution and for liberty. (Applause.) We have got to stop fighting the rebels with one hand and rubbing them down and conditioning them with the other. If I had my way I’d give every soldier a nigger to do his work. (Applause.)
        I don’t want an anti-slavery war, but I say I want to use everything that will but down this rebellion, niggers, horses and all. Suppose some of our generals had a charm-you know there was an old general-Gideon I think his name was, but I am not sure-or was it Joshua-who blew on the rams horns, and blew down the walls of Jericho-now suppose some general could blow a blast that would liberate all the slaves in t he South, and bring them over on our side, wouldn’t he be doing a great thing for us, or should we stop to look for the constitutionality of it. We want to take away everything that will weaken the rebels and strengthen our side. These Negroes know all the roads, all the swamps, all the country and they are about all the loyal people in the South that have helped us, and I would proclaim freedom to them all, not for the sake of the Negro, but for the sake of government! [Applause.] I know that God is on the side of the right and liberty, and if you want Jehovah to come down on his flaming chariot and help you, in the name of God do right and proclaim Liberty! That’s what our father’s fought for at Bunker Hill! [Applause.] I believe God is leading us through this affliction to educate us to the proper standard of liberty. The question is-shall slavery or your national life perish!
        There are some who cry our, why you are going to expel slavery-yes as the devil was expelled from heaven.
        Slavery had a resting place at one time, and you will find my vote recorded for letting it alone where it was, but when it plotted the destruction of the government, we have as much right to cast it our as did God to cast our Satan.
        Now, then, fellow citizens-what will you do. Its no use to come here and say we’ve had a good time. I want to know how many of you will take a musket up in your hands! Oh, you don’t know how proud we western men at Washington were of the western troops-who fought so well and who laid down and died at Pittsburgh Landing. How our hearts swelled as we saw them coming down from the North-west. And now I am here, and I feel my heart expand again, as I look over this field here and see the array of loyal men coming up in their might to support the government. You know every man is called on to go. We must raise the men. We must cease calling these rebels who wont repent, our southern brothers, and get ready to kill them. They have got to be killed and transported by the thousands before we can see daylight!
        But I can see through the gloom and darkness of the present-I see the rebellion suppressed; I see the flag we love floating again everywhere, its glorious folds streaming in every breeze. We shall suppress this rebellion. We shall stand out distinct among the nationalities of the earth, our unity and character redeemed and preserved. Now I think I hear some one mention the expense. Why, we make enough in one year to carry on the war. We are rich, never as rich as now, and we shall come out a nation.
        Now, I want three cheers for the Union, the constitution, the unity and perpetuity of the American Republic.
        Three times three were here given with a will by the vast crowd, and Mr. Lovejoy gave way, but was called back by a voice crying, "What about intervention." He then made a few additional remarks, and reviewed the condition of England and the effects of the cotton famine. His remarks were followed by three more rousing cheers, after which the Hon. Wm. A. Howard, of Michigan was introduced, who made a stirring appeal for men. He said the only two parties that are possible till this rebellion is settled, are patriots and traitors, and if there is any exception to this rule, it is because here and there you find a man who is too big a fool to know which way to go. It is not a question of policy under the government, but whether the government shall live and have a policy. The indisputable thing to be done now, if we would save this government, is to cease all bickering, and come together and make one pull all together and put down this rebellion at all hazards. If you do this the rebellion won’t live three months. I believe if the 300,000 men were in Washington, fully armed and equipped, the rebellion would not last sixty days.-(Applause.) A thousand men to-day may be of more value than 5,000 a month hence.
        This is not an anti-slavery war and is not going to be made so, but we all believe that the war must be carried on according to the principles of common sense. This rebellion is to be put down by a straight forward common sense adaptation of means to ends. Common sense actually makes it constitutional to shoot down these rebels-yes, to starve them. The rebels are bringing in their means with an immense drag net and do you know how they do it! They leave their Negroes at home to raise the corn and potatoes! And common sense teaches us to break up that nigger patch.-[Applause.}
        Never was there a rebellion of such magnitude or such unparalleled wickedness as this. We have proved ourselves equal to foreign war, and to prove ourselves equal to putting down this domestic trouble, we have not only got to use muscle but common sense, and every means to preserve the health of our soldiers and when we come to look at this with common sense we shall believe that it is better that the whole of Jeff. Davis’ army die that than one loyal soldier should. And now for God’s sake if you would preserve these loyal soldiers, go and fill up their ranks, are they not brothers, are they not fighting for us, why stand we here idle.
        Governor Salomon, at the close of Mr. Howard’s eloquent remarks, wished to make a statement. He referred to the fact that the different States had raised a bounty to be paid to the volunteers.
        The subject had been commenced in this State, and it was suggested to him, (the Governor,) that scrip be issued so as to give every volunteer, from this State, a bounty of $50. He had consulted with many gentlemen on the subject, and had finally come to the conclusion to offer this bounty to the volunteers. The issue of script must necessarily be legalized by the Legislature, but to call that body together, to take action upon the matter, would require much time, and the volunteers were wanted immediately. It was therefore proposed that the patriotic men of Wisconsin advance the sum $45,000 on the basis of future action of the legislature to legalize the issue of script, making it a loan. He, the Governor, giving to each man contributing to the bounty fund a certificate that the legislature will pay him back the sum.
        I make this offer now, said his Excellency, in the faith that the legislature will legalize the script, and provide for the equal taxation to meet the loan, and it depends upon you to send such men to the legislature as will carry out this plan.
        Senator Howe followed the Governor, and made a "telling" speech. He said the listeners they had mortgaged themselves, and he made a stirring appeal to their patriotism to support the Governor in his efforts to provide for the volunteers, which was responded to by the audience in a hearty and enthusiastic manner.
        We have no room for the report of his speech or the excellent the of Judge Noggle which followed.
        Mr. C.L. Sholes then read the following beautiful poem.

        Wisconsin calls TEN THOUSAND MEN, from city, farm and plain,
        And to each village, prairie, hill, the call comes not in vain!
        From Mississippi’s rolling tide to Michigan’s broad wave,
        We spring to arms, TEN THOUSAND STRONG, the Nation’s life to save!

        The wheel stops in the noisy mill- the reapers quit the grain,
        And beat their sickles into spears to mow the battle’s plain;
        The plow stands in the mill we live, the ledger’s tossed aside,
        We count our goods and gold as dross when Freedom’s life is tried!

        Our fathers fought at Lexington and died at Bunker Hill,
        A flag bespangled o’er with stars, was left us in their will,
        And while a star beams on its field, or gleams in God’s own sky,
        It never shall dishonor know while we can fight or die!

        Adown the Coming Time new slave shall clank his cursed chain,
        And taunt us with the cowardice that forged his life of pain;
        Our children’s children ne’er shall blush to call us by their name,
        We’ll live as FREEMEN, if at all, or give our death to fame!

        Grim War’s Red Sea turns back its flood as in the olden time,
        And there be those its passage seek, who’re nameless in this rhyme,
        Dry shod they enter in with trust, and seek the farther shore,
        To shout hosannas of the free, as Israel’s had before!

        Though traitors plot, with phrenzied to crush fair Freedom’s crown-
        Or lift their daggers high in air to smite her body down,
        Each Northern breast shall be a shield to take the murd’rous stroke,
        And Europe shall yet gaze upon the rebel scepter broke!

        We swear by all the sacred blood which patriot fathers shed-
        By all the glorious memories that cluster round the dead,
        That though we die a thousand deaths this Nation yet must live-
        That all we are, or hope to be, to Freedom gladly give!

        Ho! Brothers of these States in one, take courage once again,
        Ye stalwart Minnesota men! And ye of far off Maine!
        Depend on us in sorest need where falls the sabre stroke,
        Or in the battle’s rout and shock, amid the cannon’s smoke!

        Wisconsin calls TEN THOUSAND MEN, from city, farm and plain,
        And to each village, prairie, hill, the call comes not in vain,
        From Mississippi’s rolling tide to Michigan’s broad wave,
        We spring to arms, TEN THOUSAND STRONG, to front ranks rush the brave!
        The proceedings at this stand closed with a patriotic song by the Hutchinson family.

        Here an immense crowd assembled filling all the standing space on all sides, while numbers climbed the trees. Hon. Ed. O’Neil read the names of the President and vice-presidents. Hon. H. I. Palmer was elected President. Upon taking the stand Mr. Palmer made some stirring remarks, extolling the government which was born and brought forth in adversity and under a dark cloud, but which has accomplished more in the short time which it has existed, has done more for the freedom and progress of the race than any other government on the earth.
        But we have lived to see the day which Webster and his compeers prayed never to see- when this great and beneficent government is torn and threatened with insurrection. A most gigantic and stupendously wicked rebellion has arisen to destroy, with bloody parricidal hands, this fair fabric, raised at the cost of our fathers’ blood; and now we are called upon to put it down, and to save our loved land. I trust we stand here today as Americans only, and that we shall not fail in taking effective measures to answer the call of our country and to send succor to our brothers in arms and peril in the South.
        I will now introduce to you Mr. Mullen, of the committee on resolutions, who will read the resolutions which have been prepared for the occasion.
        Mr. Mullen then read the resolutions, and followed them with some well timed and eloquent remarks, in which he likened the spirit of secession to that which of old embroiled the embattled hosts of Heaven, and having for its motto "Perpetual secession and slavery," it motto worthy to be the battle cry of Hell. Under this motto they fight, and now they must be grand and mighty as it is, cannot survive dissolution; as well might the human body be expected to live when cut in two, as that this country can live in that condition with so large a portion in the possession of the foul spirit of rebellion.
        Our government must be told to put forth its full power, and make this a real war-as they have done in the South. We must call a million of men into the field, arm them with full power to strike hard, and to strike now. Men of Wisconsin, will you now respond promptly, and hold up the bands of your rulers in this time of need.
        If you hang back now, and our country shall be ruined for want of your aid, then everlasting shame will be upon you. And you , my countrymen-men of the land of Meagher and of Shiel-Shall the haughty Britons rejoice over the downfall of your adopted country, because you held back? No; no, never!
        Mr. Mullen was loudly applauded when he retired from the stand.
        The President then put the resolutions, which were unanimously adopted.
        Senator Doolittle next took the stand, and spoke as follows:

FELLOW CITIZENS:-I am hardly rested from the exhausting labors of the session just closed, but I could not refuse to be here to-day, nor to speak, if but for a single moment, if only to assure you of my sympathy, if only to say that while the head is sometimes weary under the heavy load of its labors and responsibilities, the heart, thank God, is not faint. Its resolutions are still fixed, its faith unshaken. The great republic of the United States of America still lives. Whatever else may perish, it shall live; in spite of treason at home or intervention from abroad, it shall not die.
        I shall be brief, for the times demand deeds more than words. Besides, as I look into these earnest faces around me I know every heart says, give us action, give us deeds, great heroic deeds, deeds of war, which will bring victory sure, swift and decisive. We will have them. Give us no words but those which will inspire them, and insure that unity, vigor and high resolve which alone can perform them.
        The last year has demonstrated at least one thing. That no form of words written, printed or spoken, can put down this rebellion. We have tried them all in vain. We cannot write it down, nor print it down, nor argue it down, nor conciliate it down. We must fight it down; and by every power that God has given, we will fight it down. The Press is very powerful, but what care these rebels in arms for the best editorials, which they never see? Or for great speeches which they never read? And as to all attempts at conciliation, so long as they hold military possession of that country, they spurn them, they spit upon them.
        First, then, and before all things, we must crush their armed forces. We must break in pieces and destroy their military organization. We must whip them first and conciliate them afterwards; and we can only do that by armed force, by military power. The age of miracles is past. We must bring into the field against them heavier battalions, better and heavier armaments. Let us not deceive ourselves. No arguments can reach them or be of any avail against them at this time; but grape shot, bullets and cold steel, and to use them we must have more men. The President calls for 300,000; (I wish it were five,) and he must have them by voluntary enlistment or by drafting.
        As yet the people of the free States have hardly begun to put forth their real strength; in fact, they have but just begun to realize that they are in war at all. Could they know and realize, for one hour, all the sufferings and desolations which it brings and which are impending, no drafting and no bounties would be necessary. Every man would rise in arms. Within one week men enough would be upon the march, to crush out this rebellion and sweep its authors from the face of the earth.
        O, my fellow citizens of Wisconsin, while peace seems to smile in beauty all around us here, we are engaged in actual war; a war that involves you and me, and all we have, and all we are; a bloody, terrible, gigantic civil war, which, before it ends, if France or England intervene, may realize the vision of the Apocalypse, when the blood shall flow even the the horses’ bridle; a war for liberty itself; a war for the Union and the Constitution, and the flag of our fathers; a war for national existence; and a war for the last hope of freedom for the world.
        Our sons and brothers are already in the field, braving every danger, enduring every hardship,-meeting disease and death in every form. Shall we hesitate to strengthen and sustain them? Or shall we not rather rush to their relief in overwhelming numbers, so as to make their triumph speedy as well as certain?
        It is too late to inquire what has caused this war. It would be an idle waste of time and logic, or worse still, it might divide loyal hearts to do so. It is enough to know that war is upon us, with all its stern realities; and we must fight it through. If we fail, free republican institutions are a failure. If we fail, political liberty for man, white or black, is but a dream, and that dream is over. I say, therefore, in the highest political sense, this is a war for liberty. But in a more special sense, it is a war for liberty. All know, for it has been proclaimed to all the world, that the cornerstone of that rebel Confederacy which has made war against us is SALVERY.-While men, equally honest and patriotic, differ as to time, manner, and policy, all believe that when that confederacy fails, as fall it must, its corner-stone will be buried under its ruins. Slavery has received its death wound already, not at the hands of its avowed enemies, but of its fanatical friends. It is dying now. Let it die, let it die. Let those who mourn attend its funeral. All men of all parties have or might have seen this from the beginning of the war.—The only question of real difficulty has been, how shall we save the government and the constitution, and its loyal Union loving friends, from getting destroyed in this civil war by the dying struggles of the gigantic monster. Mr. Lincoln, in one of his most forcible illustrations pointed out the great difference pointed out the great difference between preventing, beforehand the entrance of slavery into a new territory, and overturning it in one of the old States. "If," said he, "I should see a serpent crawling across the street to enter my garden, I would seize any weapon I could find and kill him upon the instant. But, if I should see him coiled up in bed among my children, what should I the do? Should I give way to terror and do nothing to save my children? Or, should I give way to frenzy, and in my fury deal random blows at him which might knock my children’s brains out? Or, should I with cooler brain and steadier nerve, seize, or ensnare the uplifted head which contains hes venom and his deadly fangs, and remove him from their bed, and thus save my children while I destroy the reptile." Differ as men may in their views of policy upon this question, if we sustain the government and crush out the rebellion, the end will come. Slavery will be put in process of final extinction, and the triumph of liberty made sure.
        I could not tell you, fellow citizens, that this struggle involves our national existence. The very life of this government is in peril. There is but one way to save it.-We must save it ourselves. Others will not do it for us. God will not help us, unless we help ourselves. We can do that only by rallying with one heart and one voice, to support the President in answer to this call. For almost three years longer, the sword of our power is placed in his hands, and we must sustain him. He may not have been the man of your choice. But when chosen he is your President, your Commander in-Chief, as well as mine. When he gives the word, we must march to the music and keep step. He is battling for the very life of the Republic, and the man, or the press. Republican or Democratic, that weakens his hand,-aye, that does not do everything to strengthen and to sustain him in this fight, is disloyal, if not treasonable. The time is coming, [has it not already come?] when there can be no longer any neutrality. He that is not for the government is against it. He that mows dissention among us, he that openly opposes, or insidiously discourages enlistments, gives aid and comfort to the enemy, and should be treated accordingly.
        I will conclude all I desire to say on this occasion, in the strong and eloquent language of a patriot: "What this crisis demands, is a patriotism that will abide the ordeal of fire; which is purified from all selfishness, and from all fear; which is heroic and exhaustless, and which vows with every throb of life, if repulsed it will rally, if stricken down it will rise again; and, that under the pressure of no circumstances of reverse, or sorrow, or suffering, shall the national flag be abandoned, or the honor of the country compromised.
        What we need is a patriotism that rises to the full comprehension of the actual and awful peril in which our institutions are placed, and that is eager to devote every power of body and mind, and fortunes to their deliverance. A patriotism which, obliterating all party lines, and entombing all party issues, says to the President of the United States: "Here are our lives and estates; take them, use them freely, use them boldly, but use them successfully; for, looking upon the graves of our fathers, and upon the cradles of our children, we have sworn that though all things else should perish, this Government shall live." Aye! Shall live forever.
        After the Senator had concluded his speech, which was received with great enthusiasm, Judge McArthur read, in a most impressive manner, a poem prepared for the occasion by Mr. A. M. Thompson, of the Home League, the poem being the same one that was read from the other stand, was received with great enthusiasm.
        After the applause following the reading of the poem the President introduced Hon. Geo. B. Smith, of Madison, who made a powerful and telling speech, fully endorsing Senator Doolittle’s speech and dealing hard blows upon the heads of the extreme emancipationists as well as the dissatisfied and semi-loyal Democrats, who will do nothing but abuse the government unless their particular views govern in the contest.
        He urged a cordial union of hearts and hands, burying all party differences, and unitedly and determinedly upholding the government with all the strength we can bring. Mr. Smith’s speech was delivered in his own vigorous, telling style and was well received by the audience, but from being delivered in so rapid a manner, our reporter was able to catch but detached portions.
        Following Mr. Smith’s speech came letters from Judge Sloan, Hon. Moses M. Strong and Dr. E. G. Dyer, of Burlington, Racine Co, all expressing their heartfelt sympathy with the object of the meeting, and their regret at not being able to be present and participate in the occasion. The letter from Dr. Dyer was accompanied with a draft for $25, as a contribution to the war fund, with the declaration that a more vigorous policy on the part of the government in attacking the heart of the rebellion-slavery-would command a larger measure of aid.
        After the reading of the letters, Hon. C. A. Eldridge, of Fond du Lac, was presented, and made a forcible speech in the same strain with those who preceded him urging a prompt and hearty response to the call for volunteers. His remarks were at one time somewhat interrupted by a person evidently intoxicated, who persisted in calling our, "Knownothingism, why don’t ye enlist yourself," and such remarks. The noisy party was at length induced to keep silence, and the speaker closed his remarks with the statement that half a million of men should have been called for instead of three hundred thousand.
        Hon. Jonathan E. Arnold followed the last speaker, in substance as follows: The question is not now whether you or I had anything to do in causing this rebellion, but the question is what can we do to put it down, for put down it must be. It is evident that we must now put forth all the powers which can be exerted in civilized warfare. We must strike the rebellion at its heart, where it lives. If you would destroy the rebels you must strike out the institution which gives support to the rebellion. When you remove the mud sills from under them, and when this is done, the whole rebellion will fall.
        I have recently read a telegraphic account of a convention styled Democratic, recently held in Indianapolis, where the doctrine was set forth that if this war was to be waged in such a manner as to threaten the institution of slavery in the South, then nor further aid should be given to the government in carrying it on. I am sorry to see this doctrine put forth by men calling themselves Democrats. I, for one Democrat, spit upon and abhor such sentiments as were put forth at that convention. If the traitors of the South put their institutions or their rights before us, I am for going through or over them. Such sentiments must not be incorporated into the doctrine of the Democracy of Wisconsin, but loyally, LOYALTY all over it, or it is not broad enough for me. [Immense applause.]
        Mr. Arnold proceeded at some length, urging a vigorous prosecution of the war, and retired amid the cheers of the vast concourse.
        Hon. James S. Brown, I. P. Walker and Geo. W. Allen succeeded with vigorous and telling efforts, all in general harmony with what had been said before.
        At the conclusion of the speeches, a young man came upon the stand and offered to enlist immediately, and called upon the young men who were willing to go to the war at once to sign a paper with him. The paper was taken into the crowd, and when the meeting adjourned it had several names already attached to it.
        The meeting adjourned with the band playing Yankee Doodle with energy.

STAND NO. THREE-YOUNG MEN’S STAND.

        The officers elected at this stand were as follows:
        President.-F. W. Pitkin.
        Vice Presidents.-J. C. Montgomery, E. L. Buttrick, Horace Rublee, M. M. Pomeroy, James G. Jenkins, W. G. Whipple, Wm. McNair, and forty others, embracing the first young men from every county in the State, together with a long list of Secretaries.
        Mr. Pitkin, on taking the stand, spoke substantially as follows:
        I desire to return my sincere thanks for the honor of being called to preside on this occasion. I would rejoice if it were possible that this stand should be occupied this afternoon by some of those young men who have left our midst to support the government on the battle field; that they might witness the enthusiasm that is rising through the State, and that has brought together these young men of Wisconsin to consider the dangers and duties of the hour.
        This immense concourse, stretching out far beyond the reach of human voice, testifies that Wisconsin is in earnest; that she feels and knows the magnitude of our dangers and is prepared to meet them. We have come here, young men of Wisconsin, to consecrate this day to our country, to rekindle the fires of patriotism and renew the pledges of devotion and allegiance to that government which has made us a race of freemen.
        It was in such assemblages as this that the freemen of Athens came together when her life and liberties were in peril, and listening to the winged words of their oratory, their patriotism swelled forth to the measure of their danger till they conquered a world in arms.
        We come here, fellow citizens, to forget everything but our government and our country, and to consider whether we are willing they should both perish, or whether we will make the sacrifices that are all in common here to-day. We all have brothers, fathers or sons in the army. We shall all bear the burdens of the country’s debt. We shall all share the shame of our country’s defeat and the glories of its victories. No one of us can be indifferent to the fortunes of our nation, for whatever we are, and whatever we hope to be, are inseparably linked with the fate of the government that protects us. This vast throng testifies that in every part of the State the people are alive to their duties and danger. There is not a town but has sent forth its heroes to fight for liberty, and that has not been called to mourn for martyrs that have fallen in the fight. In every town and city men of all ages and classes are alike concerned by the great events that make this the most thrilling era of the world.
        What makes a nation great? Not vast expanse of territory, for that is cumbersome and falls to pieces by its own weight. Not riches, for wealth corrupts a nation and invites an attack. A nations greatness consists in its valor, its patriotism and its indomitable determination to be free. Our country is stronger to-day than ever before. The attitude of England and France speaks in thunder tones of the present greatness of our nation. Four years ago British statesmen and the British press spoke flippantly of whipping America-To-day, when we are torn by civil commotion, when one section is arrayed against the other, when the great manufacturing interests of England are almost prostrate, when her machinery is stopped and her operations are clamoring for bread, when she hates us with a pious maglignity she dare not join France and interfere in our affairs. Our defense is the wall of armed valor, that would rise up impregnable along our whole coast, a wall of glittering bayonets, too high and too strong for all the nations of the world to breach.
        Let England send on her troops, and our iron navy will meet her transports and sink them; will people the deep with British soldiers, and furnish a more sumptuous banquet for sharks than has ever been known since the days of the flood.-[Great cheering.]
        They tell us we have no Napoleons or Wellingtons to lead us in this crisis. [A voice—"We don’t want any"] True—we want no Napoleons or Wellingtons while we have McClellan and Halleck and Pope and King and Sigel and Meagher and Porter and the hosts of other leaders who have won the battles of the war.-They may not have achieved greatness, for they have had but one year’s training in war. If war continues, some of them will yet be the Napoleons and Wellingtons of our country.
        Let us stop criticizing our leaders and give them a more generous support. They have done the best they could and need sympathy from the people and not assaults.
        If any of you dislike McClellan and swear by Freemont, I hope you will show your love for Fremont by enlisting under him. If you distrust Fremont and swear by McClellan, I hope that love will be shown by immediately enlisting in some of those glorious regiments that have smelt fire and blood under McClellan.
        I have faith in the Republic. I believe it was founded here in God’s chosen land, to endure forever. This government is the first and only one that is founded on the doctrine of the divine right of the people, and not on the principle of the divine right of kings. It represents the sovereignty of the many, and not of the few.-If we fail in this struggle to preserve our institutions as they are, then free institutions have received their first blow, and despotism its first triumph in America.
        Let us not be discouraged because war has overtaken us, for war is not the worst of evils. A just war is ever better than an inglorious peace. It has been through the fiery ordeal of war that every nation has won its greatness, and made itself memorable in history. What is history but the record of nations struggling on the field of battle. We are to-day being tried in the crucible of these great events.-Shall we not show ourselves worthy to be ranked among these illustrious nations that waded through seas of blood to purchas and retain their liberties and their greatness?
        Let us support the government in this hour of peril, with all our energies and all our resources. Let us fight while we have a man or dollar to fight with. If the good old ship of State must go down, let her go down like the Cumberland, when attacked by the Merrimac, with all her guns run out at the port holes, blazing broadside after broadside into her face. [Cheering.]
        I believe in making this an earnest war, one that will hurt and destroy the enemy. If money is the "sinews of war," let it be so carried on, as to preserve our own "sinews" and to damage those of the enemy as much as possible.
        We should use every instrument within our reach, even if they are taken from the armory of the enemy. Let our military commanders judge what element they can find in the enemy’s country most serviceable to them. If great social revolutions are produced, we shall not regret it.
        Our government means freedom. It will mean freedom forever. An Eastern monarch wishing to perpetuate his name in after ages, caused a lofty lighthouse to be erected of solid granite, and ordered his name carved upon its summit. The artisan who constructed it, carved his own name in the solid rocks, and wrote that of his monarch in the perishable plaster. Ages passed away, the king and the artisan died, the mortar with the name of the king crumbled away and that of the builder carved deep in the granite became immortal.
        Our fathers, the builders of our government, wrote "freedom’ deep in the scroll of our constitution. If Judges have plastered over this chosen word with the mortar of judicial decision, this mortar will crumble away, and "freedom" shall shine forth from our constitution in letters of living light as immortal as the constitution itself.
        Fellow citizens, I believe that we have reached a new era in the war-that henceforth it will be carried on to exterminate traitors and their property. Through the long months since Sumter was taken, we have been playing war and dealing tenderly with traitors. We hope that this policy is stopped, and that henceforth it is aggressive, vigorous warfare.
        It is said that at the battle of Waterloo the Duke of Wellington had formed the flower of his army on the crest of a hill. Napoleon knowing that the day would be won if he could dislodge his enemy from the stronghold on the hill, hurled column after column of his finest troops against them, and column after column they were dashed to pieces upon the rock of English valor. In vain, during the day, the English troops pleaded to be permitted to charge upon the enemy. But when the sun was just setting behind the western sky, the Iron Duke gave the order to advance, and sweeping down upon the French they overwhelmed them and made the victory immortal.
        Let us hope that we have borne in patience quite long enough the assaults of traitors, that soon, summoning up all our energies, with our army reinforced with three hundred thousand men, buoyant in spirit and inevitable in courage, the word "advance" will be sounded along the entire line, and the rebellion will find its Waterloo defeat. [Great cheering.]
        After the reading of the resolutions and address by J. H. Brigham, Esq., very eloquent speeches were made by Hon. Mat. H. Carpenter, E. L. Buttrick, Esq., T. D. Weeks, of Whitewater, James G. Jenkins, Esq., Hon. J. B. D. Coggswell, John A. Savage, Esq., Hon. Joshua La Due, C. K. Davis, A. Cary, C. K. Martin, F. B. Van Valkenberg, Wm. G. Whipple, Isaac Fithian, and J. G. Tannett. Owing to the crowded state of our columns we are unable to give a more extended report of the proceedings at this stand, in this condition.
        Mr. Winfield Smith said he was glad to see that so many there believed that in the word,-"Those that endure to the end, the same shall be saved." [Laughter.] The freedom we enjoy had been to us like the air of Heaven,-not appreciated until in danger of being corrupted or lost. It had appeared so secure, our benficial government had been so silent in its operations that to us it had seemed indestructible.-Those who had seen at home monarchy and civil war, were at the commencement of this rebellion better prepared for it that Americans. In St. Louis the Germans were already organized into regiments, and stepped forth at the first sound of Sumter’s cannon. They saved Missouri to us. Even now, after a year of war, we scarcely realized our position, and , and our present unity of sentiment, imperfect as it is, has been enforced upon us by the severe lessons of defeat. Some yet talk of party issues, as if in Washington they were not swept into the past, and the remarks of Stephen A. Douglas after the war broke out that henceforth there would be only two parties-patriots and traitors-evinced a foresight far in advance of the public sentiment.
        It is for us now to consider the things of the present, and forget those things that are behind, to realize the magnitude of the war and meet it in its immensity. We must give to our brethren and friends calling to us from the battle fields of the South the aid they need. Let us not be so base as to bring defeat upon them and ruin upon ourselves by withholding or delaying it. Nine thousand men were called for from Wisconsin, and if we should make it round 10,000, neither Gov. Salomon nor the President would object.
        There is no danger that the policy of the past will be longer pursued by the administration and its Generals. We are now agreed that that policy is unwise for the future, but we should remember that many of us had favored it until our recent reverses opened our eyes. The President has moved as fast as the people. Six months ago the popular mind had not progressed to the point it has now reached, and many of the men who were then dragging in the rear of public opinion are now loudest in urging new measures and condemning the past policy. We must not throw on our leaders the blame deserved by ourselves.
        Every one must now do and give his all for the war. Every man who can go should. Those who cannot must pay liberally for those who go, and the families of our soldiers must be supported as those of others. Taxation must equalize as far as may be the burdens of those who go and of those who stay. Our property must be taxed to the utmost limit it will bear; and even if our lands were sold for taxes so that our volunteers returning with their pockets full of money should buy them all no great damage would be done. The honors of the war will in any event be for those who fight for it.
        Each one must do his best and answering for his conduct to his conscience, his country and his God. If there be any man without a conscience who loves not his country nor believes in God,-let him wait til he is taxed out of his property and drafts for the war besides.
        God, who has done so much for this country, will not suffer it finally to perish if we discharge our plain duty. He has brought these afflictions on us for wise purposes, and will relieve us when those are attained.-He has placed our destinies in our hands. If we are recreant our country will be torn to pieces and we ruined. If we shall be equal to our situation, learning wisdom from adversity, using the strength God has given us in the way He points out, trusting in Him, whatever trials may intervene, we are sure of the triumph of our just cause.
        Mr. Smith’s remarks were energetic, and were interrupted and followed by applause.
        Mr. A. M. Thompson’s poem (given in another place) was then read, the resolutions adopted, and the meeting adjourned after a few words from Mr. Tannatt, who enlisted immediately upon concluding.

        The full report we give of the great meeting yesterday, with the hurry of the occasion, preclude extended remark.-The meeting, as we supposed would prove the case, was unparalleled in numbers in the experience of the State.-From all parts came the people, and from the remotest boundaries. And not alone the men of leisure and wealth; But the men of toil and stamina, upon whom rest the interests of the State and nation.-The number may be estimated, we think, as high as 20,000.
        It was equally a success in all respects, as in numbers. Good feeling, harmony, determination and fixedness of purpose, characterized the great crowd. All that could have been hoped or expected from such a meeting, was, and will be realized.
        For the speakers, the proceedings, what was said and done, for the present, we refer to the proceedings. Some features of the meeting will be the subject of future comment.

Mon Aug 4, 1862

Col. Larrabee’s Badger Regiment, Twenty-fourth Wisconsin Voluteers-Great War Meetings.
        Great war meetings will be held in the counties of Ozaukee, Sheboygan, Washington and Dodge, at the following times and places:
        Port Washington, on Friday, the 8^th day of August instant.
        Sheboygan, on Saturday, the 9^th day of August instant.
        West Bend, on Tuesday, the 12^th day of August instant.
        Beaver Dam, on Thursday, the 14^th day on August instant.
        The following named gentlemen will certainly be present and address all these meetings. The best speakers in the different localities will also be present:

Mon Aug 11, 1862 Page 1 col 2

Influence of the Milwaukee See Bote-Grand War Meeting at Sheboygan-Speech of Col. Larabee-Companies Forming-General Good Feeling.

From our Special Reporter.

        It has been often said by critics at home and abroad, and often repeated, that the almighty dollar was the only ruler in this country, and that all noble impulses were lost in bare materialism. It has been asserted that the American people strive exclusively to accumulate wealth, to live in opulence and to forget all higher and humanitarian objects. Cold-hearted materialism, unmeasurable speculation and unbounded greediness for money were said to be the main features of the American character. Compare now with these assertions the rising of the people for the protection of the Republic and for liberty, threatened by a brutal and imperious aristocracy, and it will be found that those criticisms of the nation were alike superficial and unjust.
        When President Lincoln make the first call for volunteers, and the people saw the Union and the Government endangered, they hastened to arms with indescribable enthusiasm, and without considering the almighty dollar-the God of the country. The farmer hastened from his field, the workman from his shop, men of literary pursuits their avocations business men their stores, to defend their country; and the brave soldiers did not propound the question how much money this war would yield them. They hastened without practice and in part unarmed and unequipped to the seat of war to gather around the old banner, the symbol of liberty for the country from the great lakes of the North to the Gulf of Mexico and from the Atlantic Ocean to the gold fields of the Pacific. Throughout the whole north was found but one sentiment-was heard but one cry: The Union must be preserved, should it cost oceans of blood. New England sent her noble sons; New York and Pennsylvania armed with gigantic power, and throughout the great West the sacred fire of patriotism was fanned into a mighty flame.
        During the entire past year, the preparations for war continued, a mighty army of infantry, cavalry and artillery was organized, and from out the petty fragments of the marines under Buchanan, a navy was created, which challenges the admiration of the world, and has accomplished deeds, counted among the most heroic known in history. Never has a country furnished, in so short a time, such a mighty army as the loyal people of this Republic; and the moving power was not greediness of gain, but patriotic enthusiasm. The mass of the people was full of inspiration and in fighting trim, to preserve the inheritance of our fathers and to maintain freedom.
        Success was not always on our side.- Our men met with reverses and had to battle with manifold hardships. Many were wounded, others died, others again succumbed in a dangerous climate and still others to too tremendous exertions; but all of this our troops stood with admirable resignation, and their patriotism did not cool. Their only desire was to be led against the enemy to have an opportunity to crush him. Never was there a more patriotic army than ours, in spite of dangers, sufferings and privations; and the people who staid at home were likewise animated. Often was the horizon covered with heavy clouds, and the hearts of patriots mourned, when the news of a reverse in our army was received; but soon new hope filled their hearts, and the people were ever ready for sacrifice, ever inspired for the cause of liberty, and ever willing to give to the Government all that was asked to crush out this wicked rebellion. The people did not consider dollars and cents, but gave out of patriotism and from love to the country.
        A few weeks since the President called for three hundred thousand men, and in spite of the gloomy felling, the people immediately prepared to give the required assistance. Large war meetings were held in all the States, thousands of patriots gathered to further recruiting, men of all parties appealed to the people to support the Government, and the wealthy showed their liberality to promote the object. We hear again the fife and drum in streets and in front of recruiting offices, young men hurry along to enlist in the new regiments quickly filling up, patriotism is again emblazoned, and within a short time our new regiments will be ready to leave.
        The President furthermore ordered three hundred thousand men to be drafted. The people, although heretofore not favorably inclined to the measure, are now acquiescing; for they readily see the necessity of it.
        We now ask, can a people who are ready to sacrifice life and blood for their rights, their country, and their ideas of liberty ever perish? Must they not, with their valor and enthusiasm, be victorious, the more so since right and justice are on their side? We firmly believe in the triumph of our cause, in the victorious success of our brave soldiers; but it is the duty of every individual especially at this time, to assist the cause of the Union. It is an honorable war,-a war to save to liberty the only place it has found on earth.

The Milwaukee Sentinel - During the War